Media Fields Journal - The Cross-Pacific as Method Test

Tuesday

Feb182020

Tuesday, February 18, 2020 at 5:59PM

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Notes

[1] Author name, “Article Title” in Book Title, eds. Names of Editors (City: Publisher, 2006), page range.

[2] “Article Title” Website Title, http://alinktoawebpage.com.

[3] Author, “Article Title” Journal title 37, no. (year): page range. //The rest of the citations you see below are actual citations that were used in another article. Feel free to just replace the info in them, but keep the tags so that you don't have to rewrite them by hand.//

[4]“Quinn Announces Plan to Combat Street Harassment,” Christine Quinn for Mayor, http://www.quinnfornewyork.com/hollaback.

[5] In response to such critiques, @iHollaback tweeted on Aug. 20, 2013, “It [the app] also allows for racialized forms of harassment—including harassment by police—to be reported.” Unaddressed was the fact that “the criminal justice system” is, of course, comprised of a coalition between lawmakers, city bureaucrats, and the NYPD, among many other interests and institutions. Also unremarked upon was the existence of “Stop and Frisk Watch,” an app that the New York Civil Liberties Union and the Bushwick, Brooklyn-based non-profit Make the Road by Walking created in 2012.

[6] Mariame Kaba, “Blinders & the Tyranny of Good Intentions: Street Harassment, Stop & Frisk, and Criminalization…,” Prison Culture, Aug. 20, 2013, http://www.usprisonculture.com/blog/2013/08/20/blinders-the-tyranny-of-good-intentions-street-harassment-stop-frisk-and-criminalization/.

[7] For more on Broken Windows policing, see James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling, “Broken Windows,” Atlantic Monthly 249, no. 3 (1982): 29-38, http://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/politics/crime/windows.htm.

[8] “Campaign & Lobby,” Stop Street Harassment, http://www.stopstreetharassment.org/toolkits/campaigning/.

[9] Dean Spade and Craig Willse, “Sex, Gender, and War in an Age of Multicultural Imperialism,” QED: A Journal of GLBTQ Worldmaking 1, no. 1 (2014): 5-29; Ritchie, Arrested Justice: Black Women, Violence, and America’s Prison Nation (New York and London: New York University Press, 2012); Angela Y. Davis, “How Gender Structures the Prison System,” in Are Prisons Obsolete? (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2003), 60-83.

[10] William Blackstone quoted in Cynthia Grant Bowman, “Street Harassment and the Informal Ghettoization of Women,” Harvard Law Review 106, no. 3 (1993): 517-580, 521.

[11] Bowman, 520-1.

[12] On the historical and ongoing surveillance, criminalization, and violent containment of Black movement foundational to the U.S. social formation, see Simone Browne, “Everybody’s Got a Little Light Under the Skin: Black Luminosity and the Visual Culture of Surveillance,” Cultural Studies 26, no. 4 (2012): 542-564; Sarah Jane Cervenak, Wandering: Philosophical Performances of Racial and Sexual Freedom (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2014); and Bryan Wagner, Disturbing the Peace: Black Culture and the Police Power after Slavery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).

[13] Bowman, 521.

[14] Angela Y. Davis and Traci C. West have both written about the murder of Emmett Till as one example of white women’s power to demand state-sanctioned retaliation and extra-state violence in the name of “harassment,” which is to say the appearance of the black male body in public. Angela Y. Davis, Women, Race and Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1983), 178-9; and Traci C. West, Wounds of the Spirit: Black Women, Violence, and Resistance Ethics (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 93-5.

[15] Janet Halley, Split Decisions: How and Why to Take a Break from Feminism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006). In our focus on the ways such discourses work to impute a figuration of powerlessness that obscures theoretical and political antagonisms across feminisms, we part ways with Halley’s order to “take a break from feminism.” That discourse tends to produces its object “feminism” as a kind of homogenous back-formation that we do not recognize in this name.

[16] Brittney C. Cooper, Crunk Feminist Collective, Nov. 4, 2014, http://www.crunkfeministcollective.com/2014/11/04/on-why-we-are-not-out-here-going-hard-for-brothers-over-that-hollaback-video/.

[17] Annanya Bhattacharjee critically argues that the feminist exposure of liberalism’s foundational gendering of “separate spheres” may very well leave intact the belief “that the public and private spaces are different and separate.” Tina Chanter has further disclosed that such elisions are constitutive to white feminist articulations of the public/private relation more generally: “the predominance of the public/private divide in feminist theory itself occludes the racial and class dynamics that have been both constitutive of, and rendered invisible by, the claims of white feminist theory to legitimate itself by appealing to the public/private distinction.” See Annaya Bhattacharjee, “The Public/Private Mirage: Mapping Homes and Undomesticating Violence Work in the South Asian Immigrant Community” in Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures, eds. M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade Mohanty (New York and London: Routledge, 1996), 308-329, 312; Tina Chanter, “Irigaray’s Challenge to the Fetishistic Hegemony of the Platonic One and Many,” in Rewriting Difference: Luce Irigaray and “The Greeks,” eds. Elena Tzelepis and Athena Athanasiou (Albany: SUNY Press, 2008), 217-230, 222.

[18] Marie Gottshalk, The Prison and the Gallows: The Politics of Mass Incarceration in America (Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006) and Priya Kandaswamy, “‘You trade in a man for the man’: Domestic Violence and the US Welfare State,” American Quarterly 62, no. 2 (2010): 253-277.

[19] Sharon Marcus, “Fighting Bodies, Fighting Words: A Theory and Politics of Rape Prevention” in Feminists Theorize the Political, eds. Judith Butler and Joan Scott (New York and London: Routledge, 1992), 385-403, 389.

[20] Ibid, 399.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Hortense Spillers, “Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe: An American Grammar Book,” Diacritics 17, no. 2 (1987): 64-81, 68. Emphasis in original.

[23] Marcus, 392.

[24] Eden Osucha, “The Whiteness of Privacy: Race, Media, Law,” Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 24, no.1 (2009): 67-101.

[25] Eva Cherniavsky, Incorporations: Race, Nation, and the Body Politics of Capital (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), xvii.

[26] See Mark Memmott, “UPDATE: Massachusetts Bans “Upskirt” Photos,” NPR, Mar. 7, 2014, http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/03/06/286690512/read-it-and-rate-it-court-rules-upskirt-photos-are-legal. As the update to this article points out, in response to the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts’ decision, state legislators approved and the governor signed a law that criminalized upskirting photos days after the court ruling.

[27] Leopoldina Fortunati has written extensively on the vexed gendered politics of these privatized digital mobilities. See Leopoldina Fortunati, “Gender and the Mobile Phone” in Mobile Technologies: From Telecommunications to Media, eds. Gerard Goggin, and Larissa Hjorth (New York and London: Routledge, 2009), 23-36. See also, of course, Raymond Williams’s deeply influential discussion of “mobile privatization” in the context of his treatment of that other highly gendered medium, television. Television: Technology and Cultural Form (New York: Schocken, 1975).

[28] Christina Hanhardt, Safe Space: Gay Neighborhood History and the Politics of Violence (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press), 108.

[29] Alexander Galloway, The Interface Effect (Cambridge, UK and Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2012), 84-6.

[30] “Anti-discrimination and Comments Policy,” Hollaback!, http://www.ihollaback.org/about/anti-discrimination-policy.

[31] Barry Goldwater quoted in Dylan Rodríguez, Forced Passages: Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U.S. Prison Regime (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 20.

[32] J. Edgar Hoover, “Now: Instant Crime Control in Your Town,” Popular Science (January 1967): 68, 67.

[33] Peter K. Manning, The Technology of Policing: Crime Mapping, Information Technology, and the Rationality of Crime Control (New York and London: New York University Press, 2008), 52. Lawyer Lee Loevinger is often credited with the push for the consolidation of a national emergency number after his move from the Justice Department to the Federal Communications Commission. See Kimberly Zarkin, et. al., The Federal Communications Commission (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2006), 184-5.

[34] “Once this point has been grasped, it is difficult to continue to consider the agencies of public signification and control, like the police, the courts and the media, as if they were passive reactors to immediate, simple and clear-cut crime situations. These agencies must be understood as actively and continuously part of the whole process to which, also, they are ‘reacting.’” Stuart Hall et al., Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, and Law and Order (London: Macmillan, 1978), 54.

[35] Hanhardt, 101-2.

[36] Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007), 10-11.

Author of this article Short biography of the author goes here. See the bio below for another example.

Michael Litwack is a doctoral candidate in modern culture and media at Brown University, where he is completing a dissertation on race, media, and the question of technology in the long civil rights era. He has taught courses in American studies, ethnic studies, and comparative media theory at Brown, RISD, and Providence College.